By Samuel Burgess

CIS270WX History of Information Technology

Instructor: Major Sook Ha

Date: 02/10/2016

 

 

History of Information Technology Writing Assignment 3:

The Evolution of the Wired Telephone in America and its Impact through Information Technology

 

The introduction of the telephone in the United States was a revolutionary concept in the history of information technology, and a notion that has become foundational in everyday functionality through business and social connectivity. The telephone was used initially by Americans as a method of instantaneous messaging over distance through vibrating sound waves, and has evolved into smart phones, which can (among other things) allow you to video conference face-to-face with someone across the globe. The telephone, as a byproduct of American innovation, was adapted to the American economic system of capitalism, which almost immediately involved patents and corporate monopolization and proliferation upon its introduction. Lastly, throughout American history, the telephone has evolved to become a shining example of the effects of information technology. To explain further, the numerous innovations and adaptations that the telephone has undergone since 1876 have been the resulted from the need for efficiency, ease of use, faster and wider ranging coverage, etc., in the American public sphere. Since its inception in 1876, the technology of the telephone has been continually adapted and has rapidly evolved into the current American idea of a telephone, which is, predominately, the smart phone. In the early 1870’s a young Scottish man named Alexander Graham Bell moved to Boston, Massachusetts with his father, Melville Bell, who himself coincidentally was an inventor (1). Perhaps the innovative gene ran in the family, as Alexander Graham’s father claims the honor of having invented a written system that was utilized in teaching speech to the deaf (1). In Boston, Alexander Bell was a teacher, and at the early age of 29, Bell came up with an adaptation of Samuel Morse’s telegraph technology, which had been introduced earlier in the decade (1). While Bell’s idea seemed to merely be an adaptation of Morse’s founding telegraph technology, Bell’s idea, of a “harmonic telegraph,” became revolutionary (1). Bell’s innovation looked create a device that “combined aspects of the telegraph and record player to allow individuals to speak to each other from a distance” (1). Consequently, Alexander Bell envisioned the creation of his “harmonic telegraph” as a more efficient fix to an existing problem, building on the capabilities of America’s information technology, as opposed to designing a device separate from the precedent set by Morse. The first telephone, designed by Bell and with the help of Thomas Watson, used sound waves, “caused by an electrical current to vary in intensity and frequency, causing a thin, soft iron plate–called the diaphragm–to vibrate” (1). Then, these vibrations would travel through another wire, which would be attached to a diaphragm in another instrument, through magnetics (1). Finally, the vibrations through the diaphragm in the second device would transmit the original sound, thus creating a telephone line (1). After the creation of the telephone’s concept and the initial prototype, the first test produced the famous verse often heard, in which Bell spoke to his assistant over the phone, stating “Mr. Watson, come here, I need you” (1). This marked the beginning of the wired telephone device’s existence in American society and the world. And while this paper will focus on the earlier history of the telephone, specifically in how it existed when wired, it is interesting to note how far we have come in telephone technology. In the last few decades alone, we have progressed from satellite phones, to wireless cellular phones, to the current market of smartphones. We have evolved in information technology at an alarming rate, continually improving technology to meet the demands of American society, who demands faster connections, smaller and bigger screen sizes, larger memory capacities, and so on.The telephone, as a byproduct of American innovation, was adapted to the American economic system of capitalism, which almost immediately involved patents and corporate monopolization and proliferation upon its introduction. During the same era Alexander Graham Bell invented and patented the wired telephone, there was an inventor with a similar idea by the name of Elisha Gray (1). In fact, Edison’s filed patent of the wired telephone was only claimed about two hours ahead of Gray’s similar patent filing (1). Thus, both inventors recognized the burgeoning telecommunications market that was blossoming. Consequently, in an effort to stake their claim in the new market, Gray and another inventor, Thomas A. Edison, were hired by the Western Union Telegraph Company in order to create their own telephone technologies (1). Thus, we see an immediate proliferation of telecommunications technologies out of the economically capitalistic market of competition. Upon learning of others attempting similar technological ideas, Alexander Graham Bell and the Bell Company sued the Western Union Telegraph Company, which ended up all the way into the Supreme Court, the decision favoring Bell’s right to his patent (1). Following this legal battle, the Bell Company took on and defeated many more challenges from rival companies who questioned their patent (1). Eventually, the Bell Company became the humongous corporation we know today, the American Telephone and Telegraph company, or AT&T (1). You can aptly say that Alexander Graham Bell’s idea, which became a patent, then the Bell Company, and finally AT&T, shows how telephony technology was adapted and molded by the capitalist economy of the United States. You would be scarce to find another country in which both an idea (through a patent) is so fundamentally protected as a right, and in which companies compete and change in order to fit the needs of the consumer. It is through its capitalistic roots that the AT&T Company has adapted and survived since its creation at Bell’s hand, and through which it continues to do so today.

I believe that the adaption of telephonic technologies to the ever-changing markets of the American capitalist economy really highlights the lessons of information technology. Ever since the first patent by Alexander Graham Bell, the competition of the market has driven advancements within the realm of telephone technologies, as we have seen through the example of  the Western Union Telegraph Company hiring Elisha Gray and Thomas Edison to compete with the Bell Company. Consequently, telephony technologies have adapted and continue to compete and refine today with companies such as AT&T, Verizon, and T-Mobile, who continuously look to improve technologies and services in order to appeal to the consumer, which follows the tenants of a capitalist market. In conclusion, Alexander Graham Bell introduced a revolutionary concept to America, one that has forever changed information technology, and one that has become foundational in everyday functionality through business and social connectivity. Additionally, once Bell’s concept was forged with the American notion of capitalism, the technology evolved and has not stopped improving since.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

 

• “Alexander Graham Bell patents the telephone.” The History Channel. Simon & Schuster Publishing, 03 Mar. 2009. Web. 09 Apr. 2016.

 

By Samuel Burgess

CIS270WX History of Information Technology

Instructor: Major Sook Ha

Date: 02/10/2016

 

 

History of Information Technology Writing Assignment 3:

The Evolution of the Wired Telephone in America and its Impact through Information Technology

 

The introduction of the telephone in the United States was a revolutionary concept in the history of information technology, and a notion that has become foundational in everyday functionality through business and social connectivity. The telephone was used initially by Americans as a method of instantaneous messaging over distance through vibrating sound waves, and has evolved into smart phones, which can (among other things) allow you to video conference face-to-face with someone across the globe. The telephone, as a byproduct of American innovation, was adapted to the American economic system of capitalism, which almost immediately involved patents and corporate monopolization and proliferation upon its introduction. Lastly, throughout American history, the telephone has evolved to become a shining example of the effects of information technology. To explain further, the numerous innovations and adaptations that the telephone has undergone since 1876 have been the resulted from the need for efficiency, ease of use, faster and wider ranging coverage, etc., in the American public sphere. Since its inception in 1876, the technology of the telephone has been continually adapted and has rapidly evolved into the current American idea of a telephone, which is, predominately, the smart phone. In the early 1870’s a young Scottish man named Alexander Graham Bell moved to Boston, Massachusetts with his father, Melville Bell, who himself coincidentally was an inventor (1). Perhaps the innovative gene ran in the family, as Alexander Graham’s father claims the honor of having invented a written system that was utilized in teaching speech to the deaf (1). In Boston, Alexander Bell was a teacher, and at the early age of 29, Bell came up with an adaptation of Samuel Morse’s telegraph technology, which had been introduced earlier in the decade (1). While Bell’s idea seemed to merely be an adaptation of Morse’s founding telegraph technology, Bell’s idea, of a “harmonic telegraph,” became revolutionary (1). Bell’s innovation looked create a device that “combined aspects of the telegraph and record player to allow individuals to speak to each other from a distance” (1). Consequently, Alexander Bell envisioned the creation of his “harmonic telegraph” as a more efficient fix to an existing problem, building on the capabilities of America’s information technology, as opposed to designing a device separate from the precedent set by Morse. The first telephone, designed by Bell and with the help of Thomas Watson, used sound waves, “caused by an electrical current to vary in intensity and frequency, causing a thin, soft iron plate–called the diaphragm–to vibrate” (1). Then, these vibrations would travel through another wire, which would be attached to a diaphragm in another instrument, through magnetics (1). Finally, the vibrations through the diaphragm in the second device would transmit the original sound, thus creating a telephone line (1). After the creation of the telephone’s concept and the initial prototype, the first test produced the famous verse often heard, in which Bell spoke to his assistant over the phone, stating “Mr. Watson, come here, I need you” (1). This marked the beginning of the wired telephone device’s existence in American society and the world. And while this paper will focus on the earlier history of the telephone, specifically in how it existed when wired, it is interesting to note how far we have come in telephone technology. In the last few decades alone, we have progressed from satellite phones, to wireless cellular phones, to the current market of smartphones. We have evolved in information technology at an alarming rate, continually improving technology to meet the demands of American society, who demands faster connections, smaller and bigger screen sizes, larger memory capacities, and so on.

Works Cited

 

• “Alexander Graham Bell patents the telephone.” The History Channel. Simon & Schuster Publishing, 03 Mar. 2009. Web. 09 Apr. 2016.

 

By Samuel Burgess

CIS270WX History of Information Technology

Instructor: Major Sook Ha

Date: 02/10/2016

 

 

History of Information Technology Writing Assignment 2:

The Impact of the Aaron Montgomery Ward’s Mail-Order Catalogue on American Society

 

Aaron Montgomery Ward’s invention of a mail-order catalogue, circa 1872, created a more efficient, less ambiguous, and geographically accessible form of direct marketing to consumers all over America. Americans did not in fact adapt the mail-order catalogue to their specific situation at the time of its creation, conversely, it was an original innovation that was designed to fill an economical need: to bridge accessibility between rural Americans and larger consumer markets. This adaptation, borne out of Ward’s experiences as a travelling salesman, was a major consideration due to the geographical and economical barriers of the time. The mail-order catalogue was then enhanced by these groups, relative to their unique situation, as time went on. Finally, the mail-order catalogue is still in wide circulation in contemporary America.

 

It is hard to imagine the utilitarian need for something like a mail-order catalogue in this day and age, where a multitude of companies will stuff your mailbox (real and electronic) with solicitations and advertisements on a daily basis. However, there was a time when citizens of small towns in America could not simply go online, order items, and expect for them to be delivered in a timely manner. In fact, before Aaron Montgomery Ward introduced the first mail order catalogue in 1872, many Americans had to suffer through the small-selection sizes and high costs of small, local businesses and peddlers (people selling goods door-to-door) (3). Indeed, Aaron Montgomery Ward’s invention revolutionized corporate practices and widened business markets to include rural areas of America. The first mail-order catalogue sent out by Ward in 1872 “consisted of a single sheet of paper with a price list, 8 by 12 inches, showing the merchandise for sale with ordering instructions” (2). In fact, it is rumored that the original mail-order catalogue, written in 1880, was composed entirely by Ward alone, which included all catalogue copies that were sent out (1). Additionally, it is believed that even when “the business grew and department heads wrote merchandise descriptions, he still went over every line of copy to be certain that it was accurate” (1). These measures put out by Ward just show the tenacity and passion the innovator put into his work.

In essence, the concept behind Ward’s innovation involved buying inventory at wholesale prices, sending out mail-order catalogues to rural communities, and selling these towns previously inaccessible goods at fair rates (1). Ward’s idea was revolutionary business-wise, which in turn, greatly boosted the acceptance of his idea throughout rural communities in America. Essentially, Ward revealed a new technique in direct sales to rural people, which came at a time when “rural consumers longed for the comforts of the city, yet all too often were victimized by monopolists and overcharged by the costs of many middlemen required to bring manufactured products to the countryside” (1). Consequently, through his new information technology, Ward filled the existing market need for trustworthy business practices and reliable goods through mail-order catalogues. Ward accomplished this by underscoring his catalogues with a sound business model, which involved “eliminating intermediaries, with their markups and commissions, and drastically cutting selling costs,” which allowed him to “sell goods to people, however remote, at appealing prices” (1). Consequently, all Ward needed in order to ignite his wildfire technological adaptation, was a bit of startup capital and the trust of rural families, who had for far too long, been taken advantage of with no recourse in a “caveat emptor economy” (1).

Ward’s mail-order catalogue was no overnight success as many might think. In fact, one of the biggest obstacles Ward had to climb was gaining the trust of farming communities and customers. In fact, Ward’s initial hiccups were quite surprising to the entrepreneur, as he had a sound business model and high quality merchandise, which he was offering at a low price, and his idea was not taking off (3). Consequently, Ward decided that he had to establish credibility with the rural communities, and he began attending “meetings of a large, farmers’ organization known as the National Grange of the Patrons of Husbandry,” where he would introduce himself to the local populations and promote his business (3). This business-savvy strategy payed off, and “orders from the farmers’ clubs and the Granges fueled a sharp expansion in orders and in 1874 Ward decided to devote himself to the business on a full-time basis” (3) As we see, Ward’s innovations were not immediately successful, but through adapting to local American cultures and through gaining trust in face-to-face meetings, Ward was able to eradicate the problems that had plagued his business model initially.

To further illustrate Ward’s ability to overcome obstacles in the name of adapting his technology to the needs of American society, it is important to note Ward’s conception of the philosophy and practice of the “satisfaction guarantee” (1). While this slogan is seen attached to every business venture and technology around today, the idea of having a policy that mandated the return of money to unsatisfied customers was seen as ludicrous to some in 1875 (1). Consequently, this adaptation of Ward’s only helped further consumer trust in his product, which is why many nowadays call Ward “‘the first consumerist 100 years before Ralph Nader’ for his firm stand on behalf of the rights of the consumer to a fair deal” (1).

After some time, Ward’s innovation slowly but surely gained success, and consequently, Ward expanded the catalogue (2). After the mail-order catalogue, often referred to by many rural Americans as a “dream book,” gained widespread popularity, the catalogues “became bigger, more heavily illustrated, chock full of goods” (2). By 1896, Ward’s innovation had become such a revered method of practice that other enterprising merchants (most prominently Richard W. Sears and Alvah C. Roebuck) began copying Ward’s practices on a large-scale (1). Cross-analyzing relatively over time, Ward’s original list of 1872 contained 163 items,” and “by 1875 he was mailing his customers a thick catalog listing 3,899 items” (3). The business grew and grew, however Ward’s “basic business philosophy of quality merchandise at low prices, backed by a money-back guarantee did not change” (3). Ever since the large-scale corporate acceptance of Montgomery Ward’s invention, the mail-order catalogue has only projected upwards. In fact, “by 1971 catalog sales of major U.S. firms exceeded more than $250 million in postal revenue,” revealing the profitability of the practice in America (1). The mail-order catalogue business today remains a large-scale industry in the United States. However, the technology has adapted and now serves different roles than it once did. For instance, as the technology was once adapted as a method of efficiently and directly opening retail options to rural Americans, it is now used as more of a form of cheap and supplemental advertisement for businesses. Additionally, as the originator of the mail-order catalog concept, as well as an environmental activist, Aaron Montgomery Ward is remembered in his hometown of Chicago through The Montgomery Ward Tower and parks throughout the city (1).

            Aaron Montgomery Ward’s introduction and proliferation of the mail-order catalogue truly speaks to the models of innovation that we see through information technology theories. Ward’s original notion of a low cost, wholesale product line was further developed and adapted in order to fit the geographical and cultural needs of rural Americans. Furthermore, Ward’s adaptations of his technology were done through the capitalistic principles of catering to the customer and the market. Ward’s idea of a mail-order catalogue was not seen as an instant success and it took Ward’s hard-work, business-savvy, and his ability to change for his idea to really take off. Consequently, the chronology of Ward’s mail-order catalogue does an amazing job of showing how technologies are adapted and innovated in order to fit the changing needs of a specific culture and nation.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

 

• Kim, Ann. “Montgomery Ward: The World’s First Mail-Order Business.” Illinois Periodicals Online(2000): 42. Northern Illinois University Libraries. Web. 15 Mar. 2016.
• “The History of Mail and Postal Innovations.” com Inventors. About.com, 03 Feb. 2016. Web. 15 Mar. 2016.
• “General Retail Merchandising in America.” American National Business Hall of Fame. 17 Feb. 2013. Web. 15 Mar. 2016.

By Samuel Burgess

CIS270WX History of Information Technology

Instructor: Major Sook Ha

Date: 02/10/2016

 

 

History of Information Technology Writing Assignment 2:

The Impact of the Aaron Montgomery Ward’s Mail-Order Catalogue on American Society

 

Aaron Montgomery Ward’s invention of a mail-order catalogue, circa 1872, created a more efficient, less ambiguous, and geographically accessible form of direct marketing to consumers all over America. Americans did not in fact adapt the mail-order catalogue to their specific situation at the time of its creation, in fact, it was an original innovation that was designed to fill an economical need: to bridge accessibility between rural Americans and larger consumer markets. This adaptation, borne out of Ward’s experiences as a travelling salesman, was a major consideration due to the geographical and economical barriers of the time. The mail-order catalogue was then enhanced by these groups, relative to their unique situation, as time went on. Finally, the mail-order catalogue is still in wide circulation in contemporary America.

 

It is hard to imagine the utilitarian need for something like a mail-order catalogue in this day and age, where a multitude of companies will stuff your mailbox (real and electronic) with solicitations and advertisements on a daily basis. However, there was a time when citizens of small towns in America could not simply go online, order items, and expect for them to be delivered in a timely manner. In fact, before Aaron Montgomery Ward introduced the first mail order catalogue in 1872, many Americans had to suffer through the small-selection sizes and high costs of small, local businesses and peddlers (people selling goods door-to-door) (3). Indeed, Aaron Montgomery Ward’s invention revolutionized corporate practices and widened business markets to include rural areas of America. The first mail-order catalogue sent out by Ward in 1872 “consisted of a single sheet of paper with a price list, 8 by 12 inches, showing the merchandise for sale with ordering instructions” (2). Essentially, the concept behind Ward’s innovation involved buying inventory at wholesale prices, sending out mail-order catalogues to rural communities, and selling these towns previously inaccessible goods at fair rates (1). Ward’s innovation was not an immediate success in America, but gradually gained success, and consequently, Ward expanded the catalogue (2). After the mail-order catalogue, often referred to by many rural Americans as a “dream book,” gained widespread popularity, the catalogues “became bigger, more heavily illustrated, chock full of goods” (2). By 1896, Ward’s innovation had become such a revered method of practice that other enterprising merchants (most prominently Richard W. Sears and Alvah C. Roebuck) began copying Ward’s practices on a large-scale (1). Ever since the large-scale corporate acceptance of Montgomery Ward’s invention, the mail-order catalogue has only projected upwards. In fact, “by 1971 catalog sales of major U.S. firms exceeded more than $250 million in postal revenue,” revealing the profitability of the practice in America (1). The mail-order catalogue business today remains a large-scale industry in the United States. However, the technology has adapted and now serves different roles than it once did. For instance, as the technology was once adapted as a method of efficiently and directly opening retail options to rural Americans, it is now used as more of a form of cheap and supplemental advertisement for businesses. Additionally, as the originator of the mail-order catalog concept, as well as an environmental activist, Aaron Montgomery Ward is remembered in his hometown of Chicago through The Montgomery Ward Tower and parks throughout the city (1).

 

 

Works Cited

 

• Kim, Ann. “Montgomery Ward: The World’s First Mail-Order Business.” Illinois Periodicals Online(2000): 42. Northern Illinois University Libraries. Web. 15 Mar. 2016.
• “The History of Mail and Postal Innovations.” com Inventors. About.com, 03 Feb. 2016. Web. 15 Mar. 2016.
• “General Retail Merchandising in America.” American National Business Hall of Fame. 17 Feb. 2013. Web. 15 Mar. 2016.

 

FinalHITAssignment1-Burgess

History of Information Technology Writing Assignment 1:

Native American (Arapaho) Use of Smoke Signal Communication

 

The Arapaho Native American tribe ingenuously adopted, personalized, and improved both the smoke signal and sign-language mediums of communication. The Arapaho’s use of both mediums represents the tribe’s evolution of communication in response to their environment. Additionally, the Arapaho’s use of both mediums streamlined the communications process in the Plains region of the United States between tribes. Furthermore, the legacy of Arapaho Indian communication has been passed down through groups such as the Boy Scouts of America and the World Federation of the Deaf (1)(4).

Before the proliferated use of smoke signaling in the Plains region of the United States, Native American Tribes faced the dangers and inadequacies of alternative long-distance communications methods. For instance, Plains Indians would set up an elaborate chain of messengers on foot, or even send message carriers on Horseback (once the animal was introduced to the country) (3). Although this posited one form of long-distance communication, sending messengers over long distances often led to certain dangers, such as having the messenger (and subsequently the message) intercepted, having the message never reach the intended destination, or at the very least having the communication time lag with the length of the journey (3). Therefore, before smoke-signaling became common-place for the Arapaho Indians, the tribe’s methods of communicating over longer distances were inconsistent, arduous, and ultimately, inefficient.

Alternatively, when communicating across closer distances, the Arapaho Indians utilized a different mode of communication: sign language (1). The medium of sign-language was used prolifically by the Arapaho Indians, and fluency even transcended tribes throughout the many diverse Plains-based Native Americans (1). Consequently, the evolution of sign language in North America can be traced back to Native American tribes of the Great Plains region, as they are considered among the first groups to use the method in the continent (5). Sign language could communicate many messages across tribal lines and likely contributed greatly to the relationships between neighboring tribes in the Plains region. In addition to close communication between Great Plains tribes, the development of Native American sign language came out of need in facilitating trade with “European trappers and traders” (5). Consequently, the emergence and support of certain Native American sign-language dialects can be said to come out of cross-cultural interactions, not only those between Great Plains tribes. The inception of sign-language in the Great Plains region even gave each individual tribe their own identity through hand signaling. For example, in order to show another tribe your identity upon interaction, an Arapaho Indian would sign with “the fingers of one hand touch(ing) the breast in different parts to indicate the tattooing of that part in points” (5). Therefore, by reflecting some “striking characteristic” of an individual’s tribe, Great Plains Indians granted each unique tribe a method of self-identification through communication (5).

However, there was one large problem in the use of sign-language, which became a strength in the advocacy of smoke signaling during this time: Sign-language was largely understood on a general level and there was no mistaking the intended words produced (3). In other words, if one Arapaho were to signal at some distance that their tribe was planning an attack on a neighboring tribe and someone from the neighboring tribe were to see it, there would be no mistaking the intentions of the Arapaho’s. Therefore, the weaknesses of utilizing sign-language became apparent, as Arapaho’s could not code messages, which affected their strategic advantages over an enemy.

Conversely, the introduction of smoke signals allowed both basic general communications throughout those in the Arapaho tribe and coded signals for messages that contained sensitive information (1). For example, if two communicators needed to pass on general information, such as “Attention (one puff),” “All is well (two puffs),” or “danger, trouble, or need help! (three puffs of smoke, or three fires in a row)” then this message could be generally understood and passed on quickly across long distances (3). Additionally, coded messages could be passed on between communicators, in which sensitive information could be transmitted without the enemy becoming alert to the intentions of Arapaho tribe members (2). Therefore, in smoke signaling communication, “there is no general code (predominantly) or standard meanings for the different shapes, numbers, and types of smoke puffs” (2). The smoke signaling messages could be predetermined by the sender and the receiver of the smoke signal in order to contain an element of security and secrecy (2). Consequently, those who would use smoke signaling throughout the Plains region would have an edge on neighboring tribes who resorted to sign language alone (non-users).

Both the sign-language and smoke signaling modes of communication have carried legacies which remain contemporarily. Firstly, the inception of sign language by Native Americans in the Great Plains region of the United States has, in part, laid roots for the proliferation of sing-language communications in the country (American Sign Language), and moreover, throughout the world (4). Just like distinct languages and dialects of the world, there are many unique and overlapping versions of sign language, which can be very different from each other (4). Contemporarily, societies have discovered the important application of sign-language specifically to citizens who are impaired of hearing (4). Whereas early North American tribes used sign-language as a primary mode of communication, sign-language in present times is understood as more of a fringe method of communication. On the other hand, smoke signaling has become all but obsolete as a mode of communication as other forms have taken its place (the standardization of the English language, telephones, etc.). However, there are still some groups that use smoke signaling in cases of emergency as a part of wilderness training, such as the Boy and Girl Scouts (1). As the Pacific Standard Magazine reports, “the Arapaho standards made it into the 1911 Boy Scout Manual, which advised lost Scouts to lost adjacent fires.” Therefore, the lessons and practices of the Arapaho Indians lives on in the practices of young wilderness adventurers in the United States (1).

In analyzing and assessing two of the communication mediums used by Arapaho Indians, I have truly become aware and amazed at some of the early progressions of information technologies in America. In the inception and utilization of smoke signaling and sign-language between tribe-members, bordering tribes, and even across cultures, I now know how adaptive and intelligent Great Plains tribes were. While one may not consider smoke or hand gestures to be information technology as they do not involve computers nor telecommunications equipment, the Arapaho communication methods resemble the intent or purpose of I.T. by definition. For example, the Arapaho Indians used a primary mode of communication (i.e. sign-language), saw an inefficiency over long distances, and decided to adapt and overcome this shortfall through the design of smoke-signals. Consequently, Arapaho Indians innovated new technologies in order to develop the dissemination of information. Additionally, like most information technology innovations, the seemingly small breakthroughs of Arapaho Indians compounded over time and have had a profound effect on how we understood and now understand communications holistically.

 

 

 

Works Cited

 

1. Herman, Marc. “A Brief History of Smoke Signals.” Pacific Standard Magazine. 12 March 2013. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.
2. “Smoke Signals.” Indians.org. The American Indian Hertiage Foundation, n.d. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.
3. “Smoke Signals.” The Telecommunications History Group, Inc., n.d., Web. 08 Feb. 2016.
4. “Sign Language – WFD: World Federation of the Deaf.” World Federation of the Deaf. Web. 08 Mar. 2016.
5. “Native American Sign Language.” War Paths to Peace Pipes. n.d., Web. 08 Mar. 2016.

HIT-Assignment1

Samuel Burgess

History of Information Technology

Major Sook Ha

02/10/2016

 

History of Information Technology Writing Assignment 1: Native American (Arapaho) Use of Smoke Signal Communication

 

The Arapaho Native American tribe ingenuously adopted and personalized the smoke signal medium of communication. The Arapaho’s use of smoke signals represents the tribe’s evolution of communication in response to their environment. The Arapaho’s use of smoke signals streamlined the communications process in the Plains region of the United States and allowed diverse Native American tribes to communicate with each other on a basic level. Although the Arapaho variant of smoke signaling was never the primary mode of communication at the time of its use (it worked alongside sign language), it still exists today as Boy Scouts of America groups across the United States use the method of communication.

Before the proliferated use of smoke signaling in the Plains region of the United States, Native American Tribes faced the dangers and inadequacies of alternative long-distance communications methods. For instance, Plains Indians would set up an elaborate chain of messengers on foot, or even send message carriers on Horseback (once the animal was introduced to the country) (Telecommunications History Group). Although this posited one form of long-distance communication, sending messengers over long distances often led to certain dangers, such as having the messenger (and subsequently the message) intercepted, having the message never reach the intended destination, or at the very least having the communication time lag with the length of the journey (Telecommunications History Group).

Alternatively, there was another mode of communication at the time, sign language, which was used prolifically and even understood across many diverse Native American tribes (Pacific Standard, 2013). Sign language could communicate many messages across tribe-lines and likely contributed greatly to the relationships between neighboring tribes in the Plains region. However, there was one large problem in the use of sign-language, which became a strength in the advocacy of smoke signaling during this time: Sign-language was largely understood on a general level and there was no mistaking the intended words produced (Telecommunications History Group). In other words, if one Arapaho were to signal at some distance that their tribe was planning an attack on a neighboring tribe and someone from the neighboring tribe were to see it, there would be no mistaking the intentions of the Arapaho’s. Therefore, the lack in opportunity in being able to code messages through sign language truly hurt the strategic advantages of the tribe.

Conversely, the introduction of smoke signals allowed both basic general communications throughout those in the Arapaho tribe and coded signals for messages that contained sensitive information (Pacific Standard 2013). For example, if two communicators needed to pass on general information, such as “Attention (one puff),” “All is well (two puffs),”  or “danger, trouble, or need help! (three puffs of smoke, or three fires in a row)” then this message could be generally understood and passed on quickly across long distances (Telecommunications History Group). Additionally, coded messages could be passed on between communicators, in which sensitive information could be transmitted without the enemy becoming alert to the intentions of Arapaho tribe members (Indians.org). Therefore, in smoke signaling communication, “there is no general code (predominantly) or standard meanings for the different shapes, numbers, and types of smoke puffs” (Indians.org). Therefore, the messages would be predetermined by the sender and the receiver of the smoke signal in order to contain an element of security and secrecy (Indians.org). Consequently, those who would use smoke signaling throughout the Plains region would have an edge on neighboring tribes who resorted to sign language alone (non-users).

In modern times, smoke signaling has predominantly obsolete as a mode of communication as other forms of communication took its place (the standardization of the English language, telephones, etc.). However, there are still some groups that use smoke signaling in cases of emergency as a part of wilderness training, such as the Boy and Girl Scouts (Pacific Standard 2013). As the Pacific Standard Magazine reports, “the Arapaho standards made it into the 1911 Boy Scout Manual, which advised lost Scouts to lost adjacent fires.” Therefore, the lessons and practices of the Arapaho Indians lives on in the practices of young wilderness adventurers in the United States.

 

Works Cited

 

Herman, Marc. “A Brief History of Smoke Signals.” Pacific Standard Magazine. 12 March 2013. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.

“Smoke Signals.” Indians.org. The American Indian Hertiage Foundation, n.d. Web. 08 Feb. 2016.

“Smoke Signals.” The Telecommunications History Group, Inc., n.d., Web. 08 Feb. 2016.

 

The Japanese internment of World War II was very shocking and surprising to me. I had heard of some of the measures we took against Japanese-American’s during the after Pearl Harbor, but the lack of justification and lack of human rights we provided to these people are awe striking. The fact that the government needed little to no more evidence beyond the original nationality (or the nationality of their parents) is discouraging. I would like to associate America with a global leader when it comes to human rights, but obviously this is not always the case. Ida B. Wells excuse for lynching was a very intriguing document as well. I found it shocking that neither the state nor federal government took any real effective action against the lynching’s when they occurred. The rhetorical justifications Wells refers to some of the Southern lynchers as having is also incredibly surprising. They seemed to have truly believed that this was the answer to protecting their families from the “black monsters” that surrounded them. I at one point truly believed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Not to say that I do not now, but I simply have come to the realization that individual country’s self-interest will always impede the effort for an ideal world. For instance, China is a egregious offender of human rights, and they have been for quite some time. The US likes to think of themselves as the world police or the progressive knight in shining armor for the world. And yet, the US is so caught up in borrowing money from China as well as tied in business transactions, that they do not take any real measures against the Chinese.

The factors of race and popular public opinion had significant influence on the court cases People of the State of California v. Orenthal James Simpson and the State of Florida v. George Zimmerman. These factors made these two cases stray from what would have been open-and-shut trials, to gaining national attention that ultimately affected the cases. I will explain how counsel in both cases employed race as an argument. In addition, I will show how the rhetoric of popular public opinion bent the judicial system and to what degree. To discover whether these factors had any considerable impact, I will explore the main arguments made in each case.

First, I will introduce these cases with background regarding the circumstances of the alleged crime, what the law mandates the crime be punishable with, and the evidence presented against the accused. In the trial People of the State of California v. Orenthal James Simpson, OJ Simpson, a famous American football player, stood accused of two counts of first-degree murder (UMKC 2014). Simpson had allegedly stabbed to death his wife Nicole Simpson, and another man Ronald Goldman (UMKC 2014). The evidence collected against Simpson was numerous and very incriminating. There was a blood soaked glove found outside of Nicole’s apartment (where the crime took place), as well as a matching glove found at Simpson’s residence (UMKC 2014). Science came into play with incredibly precise DNA fibers linking Simpson to blood, hair, and cloth samples found at the crime scene (UMKC 2014). Letters written by Nicole were presented in court that solidified the very present and reoccurring domestic abuse, both physical and emotional, that Simpson had time and time again committed against her (see back for letter) (UMKC 2014). And perhaps the most heinous show of guilt that seemed to be a gesture of sickening boastfulness on the part of Simpson was a novel (or autobiography depending on personal opinion) titled If I Did It (UMKC 2014).

In his book, Simpson hints very candidly as he recalls the events from his perspective on the day of the event (UMKC 2014). In one section of the book he states that Nicole had charged him, and then had fallen and smacked her head on the pavement (UMKC 2014). Then, Goldman had struck a defensive pose against Simpson. From there, Simpson is quoted saying “Then something went horribly wrong, and I know what happened, but I can’t tell you how” (UMKC 2014). He goes on in his novel essentially laying out how he committed such a murder saying “this guy kind of got into a karate thing…I remember I grabbed the knife” (UMKC 2014). When asked whether he had taken off a glove before grabbing said knife, he responded “You know, I had no conscious memory of doing that, but obviously I must have because they found a glove there” (UMKC 2014). Before the event even happened, he proudly boasted of his relationship with Nicole and feelings going into that fateful day. He admitted in his testimonial literature that he had gone into that day feeling angry and jealous (UMKC 2014). He thought of her as the antagonist in their acidic marriage, assuming she had been flirting with other men and referred to her as “the enemy” and sharing much of the blame for her own death (UMKC 2014). He revealed all of this in a Newsweek excerpt, in which the magazine diagnosed Simpson of displaying “the classic language of a wife abuser (New York Post 2007). There are also several individual testimonies linking Simpson in the range of the scene of the crime that day, as well as those speaking to his abusive mannerisms. This is the most incriminating evidence against Simpson regarding the double-murder he had allegedly committed.

In the case of the State of Florida v. George Zimmerman, the person viewed through the incriminating glasses of racial profiling lies on the other side of the law, as the victim. Although the mandated law in this precedential case is much more difficult to traverse.  Florida is now famous for their extremely controversial Stand Your Ground law (Lawson 2012). In deciding whether to pursue a conviction or not, Florida prosecutors must consider all of the complexities of the unorthodox law. For instance the law provides protection from prosecution to anyone who justifiably makes use of deadly force in an effort to protect him or herself from a deadly threat (Lawson 2012). To make matters more complicated, the law still protects the individuals who employ deadly force if there is a reasonably perceived threat that ends up having been harmless (Lawson 2012). This rule makes convicting individuals who perhaps are on the edge of the legal boundaries of Stand Your Ground very challenging for potential prosecutors. Perhaps these unpromising circumstances were the main reason no prosecutor chose to adopt the case against George Zimmerman the first time it came around.

It all started on a dark and rainy night in Sanford, Florida. George Zimmerman, a neighborhood watch volunteer, was driving through his neighborhood armed with a nine-millimeter handgun when he spotted a teenager (CNN 2012). That young man walking home from a convenience store where he had purchased candy and juice was Trayvon Martin (CNN 2012). Zimmerman called the authorities to report a suspicious black male roaming the neighborhood (CNN 2012). According to phone transcripts he was quoted saying that the boy looked as though he were on drugs and that “these assholes always get away with it” (CNN 2012). Zimmerman was then asked by the operator to not follow Martin, to which he agreed, but did just the opposite (CNN 2012). The only other true evidence given to the court is the testimony of a neighbor who heard someone scream repeatedly for help, and those who heard the gunshot (CNN 2012). Under the Florida laws that govern such a proceeding, the case seems very cut and dry. In an objective, everyday court this is not enough evidence to counter Zimmerman’s claim. To support this one must simply look at the fact that no prosecutor would defend the case initially due to its high expectation of failure.

At this point, it is logical to ask why OJ Simpson was not convicted with such a heavy burden of evidence weighing against him. In addition, it is fair to question how George Zimmerman’s case even went to trial with its weak standing against Florida’s Stand Your Ground law. The answer lies in the delicate public social structure regarding race, where opinions are fortified with strong views, and where lady justice perhaps peeks through her blindfold.

As soon as both the Martin and Simpson cases unfolded the press immediately presented the issues as hate crimes and sparked popular opinion on a not entirely factual basis. This move by the press drew lines in the sand for the case, perhaps swaying some individuals to support an ethnic group they belong to and not seeing the case objectively.

In Martin’s case the media, lacking pertinent information in a timely manner, took to forging information of their own. Some of this information was later proven to be egregiously false. For instance, following the shooting, before any conclusive evidence was released, the media reported Zimmerman as being a white male (Washington Times 2013). This move immediately set up a false racial dynamic that surely stirred up tensions in the country (Washington Times 2013). In addition, a major error on the part of the press was claiming Zimmerman had no injuries flowing the incident, which makes Zimmerman out to be the instigator and questions his claim to self-defense (Washington Times 2013). It was later reported that Zimmerman had indeed suffered injures to the head, the eyes, and the nose which are characteristic of someone who has just been struggling (Washington Times 2013).

Perhaps the false evidence supplied by the media that proved to be the most arousing was their description of Martin’s history.  The media spoke of Martin as a good student, further fueling the fire of racial profiling. However, upon further investigation, it was found that he had a history of disciplinary action against him, was on suspension at the time of the incident, and was also under the influence of marijuana (Washington Times 2013). The ethics of some sources of the media became even more skewed when it was found NBC and MSNBC had deliberately edited Zimmerman’s police call to portray him as a racist (Washington Times 2013). A controversial newspaper, the South Florida Times, also drew racial lines by saying that Sanford is “notorious for being biased against black males, and… has a history of justice being warped in favor of white people” (Washington Times 2013). Even the president of the United States included a slight addition to the racial aspect of the case. Obama told the media that “Trayvon Martin could have been me 35 years ago” (CNN 2013).

Race as a factor was also seriously inflated by the media in OJ Simpson’s case as well. Immediately after Simpson had been arrested, Time magazine released a cover photo on a magazine with a darkened photo of Simpson holding an identification placard, and a heading that stated ‘An American Tragedy (Time 1994). The photo depicts Simpson as menacing, unemotional, and guilty, all before the trial even began (White 1996). The message this sends from the ruling-class (who has a monopoly on the media) is that a violent interracial crime with a black perpetrator and white victim is the ultimate crime (White 1996). It has even been found through studies that these crimes are far more publicized than intraracial crimes (White 1996). One more stunning aspect of Simpson’s trial is the deliberate makeup of the courtroom to address the question of race. The judge chosen was of Asian descent (perhaps to remain more neutral in the eyes of the public), and both the main defense attorney and prosecutor were African-American. This intentional design shows that all sides of the case were carefully considering how race was going to come into play in the criminal trial.

These were the reportings, both factual and forged, that were circulating the country immediately following both cases. Now it is important to look at what sort of impact these media induced racial dynamics had leading up to the trial and on the trial itself.

Both cases follow a history of grievances in the African-American community regarding justice. Skepticism and fear of reopening new wounds helps form a strong and united opinion from the African-American community in both situations. The black communities opinion regarding the Trayvon Martin case was one of indignation, perceived vulnerability, and disapproval. Some members used Trayvon’s death as unfortunate proof towards the necessity of ‘The Talk’. The Talk is a lesson some African-American parents choose to pass down to their children regarding the extra precautions they must take in society, simply because of the color of their skin. As Donna Britt explains in an NPR interview “my oldest son had just turned 12 and I knew that he was shifting from being adorable and sweet and cute into something that could be perceived as threatening and frightening to people who had no idea who he really was” (NPR 2012). This society induced perception of the dangers of the world compelled Britt to let her son know what living in America is like when you are seen differently. The talk was described as “a survival guide for Apartheid America” (NPR 2012). It was sentiments from the African-American community such as these that further drew the Trayvon Martin case among racial lines, and had the community primed to react (Lawson 2012).

All of the emotions and drama regarding the case formed into a national movement. What started with an outcry primarily from the black community soon evolved to people of all races, from all walks of life. Community members across the US showed their unity by chanting the slogan “I am Trayvon” (Lawson 2012). In addition, students across the nation walked out of class in protest of what they saw as a lack of effort on the part of the government to prosecute (Lawson 2012). This agglomeration of support for George Zimmerman to go to trial for his actions eventually led to an outside prosecutor being hired and a charge of murder being brought against Zimmerman (Lawson 2012). This seemed to satisfy the public outrage and projected riots that seemed eminent (Lawson 2012).

The extreme public opinion regarding OJ Simpson’s case seemed just as ready to detonate before the criminal trial. However, the popular opinion from the black community was to have OJ Simpson set free. There was a real threat of race riots breaking out in the streets of Los Angeles if Simpson was found guilty, not very different from the riots that followed the Rodney King case three years prior (UMKC 2014). Perhaps the African-American community did not trust the evidence of the police and prosecution simply due to the long history of abuses these institutions have committed against the race.

As both court cases began, it became clear that the racial aspects of both cases were going to be employed by all parties involved. In Trayvon Martin’s case, the argument of racial prejudice really stems from the victim mentality of the African-American community who have historically been targeted for such discrimination. Trayvon Martin had been unarmed, walking down the street to simply buy candy and the only crime he was truly guilty of was being black (Lawson 2012). This seemingly (and evidentially) senseless killing only reopened the wound of the black community of racial discrimination on the street and perhaps in the courtroom (Lawson 2012). One somber takeaway from this tragedy might be that an individuals racial identity can bring them real and dangerous consequences if they are not cautious of their surroundings, even in modern day America (Lawson 2012).

Another popular argument that notes racial discrimination in Trayvon Martin’s case stems from confusion regarding the complicated Stand Your Ground law. One argument as to why state prosecutors did not initially pursue murder charges against George Zimmerman is that the case simply would not gain any traction against the crippling limitations of Stand Your Ground. However, another valid argument instigates that racial inequity might have been a factor (Lawson 2012). Studies that have analyzed the prosecutor’s initial assessment of the case show that the dissertation contains multiple examples of discrimination (Lawson 2012). Other studies analyzing prosecutors’ decision to prosecute fully or to dismiss a potential case have found that the probabilities of prosecution went up when the victim is white (Lawson 2012). This clearly shows that the decision making process of prosecutors is in no way completely objective. From this one can argue that Martin’s race may have played a factor in the prosecutor’s initial decision.

In OJ Simpson’s trial, the race of the defendant in correlation to the surrounding factors was used very well as an argument by Simpson’s legal team. Perhaps one of the arguments that changed the tide of the case the most was the unfortunate background of the lead investigator, Mark Fuhrman. During the criminal trial, Fuhrman initially denied ever using the “N” word in the ten years previous from the date of his cross-examination (UMKC 2014). However, as it turned out, Fuhrman had quite the record as a bigot and a racist. In 1985, Fuhrman had given a taped interview to a woman working on a screenplay involving women in the police force (UMKC 2014). In the interview, Fuhrman bragged about both being a member of a secret organization within the LAPD called MAW (men against woman), and about beating and torturing gang members (UMKC 2014). Fuhrman’s views on African-American’s was very clear as he said he would tell the ones he encountered on the job “ You do what you’re told, understand, n#$%er?” (UMKC 2014). In addition, Simpson’s defense team make extremely controversial comparisons at the end of the trial in front of the jury comparing Fuhrman to Hitler. This is a dramatic play that shot for the pathos of the jury. Therefore there are clear examples of racist influences present in the trial, and this perhaps led the case astray, away from the incriminating evidence.

The cases of Trayvon Martin and OJ Simpson are both what normally would have been open and shut cases if race and outside influence were not factors. Trayvon Martin’s case would have quickly been closed procedurally due to the Stand Your Ground Law as many cases like it had previously. OJ Simpson would have been convicted on two separate counts of murder with a stack of hard evidence piled up against him. And yet, as history shows, the outside influences of the cases and the factor of race as an argument led them to become nationally recognized cases. These trials show that our judicial system is not perfect, and every once in awhile, lady justice peeks from behind her blindfold to see the color of skin.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

Botelho, Greg. “What happened the night Trayvon Martin died.” CNN. Cable News Network, 1 Jan. 1970. Web. 3 Mar. 2014. http://www.cnn.com/2012/05/18/justice/florida-teen-shooting-details.

Fagen, Cynthia. “Banshee Nicole Led Me to Murder.” New York Post. 15 Jan. 2007. Web. 3 Mar. 2014. http://nypost.com/2007/01/15/banshee-nicole-drove-me-to-murder.

Hanley, Clarence . The Fictional Ode OJ. Simpson Saga Recapped.. Bloomington: Authorhouse, 2012. Print.

Harper, Christopher. “Media misreporting rampant in Trayvon Martin case.” Washington Times. The Washington Times, 26 June 2013. Web. 3 Mar. 2014. http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/jun/26/harper-media-misreporting-rampant-in-trayvon-marti.

Lawson, Tamara . ” A FRESH CUT IN AN OLD WOUND-A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TRAYVON MARTIN KILLING: THE PUBLIC OUTCRY, THE PROSECUTORS’ DISCRETION, AND THE STAND YOUR GROUND LAW.” University of Florida Journal of Law & Public Policy 23.271 (2012): 1-33. Lexis Nexis. Web. 21 Feb. 2014.

“Mark Fuhrman.” Mark Fuhrman, Biography, O.J. Simpson Trial. Web. 1 Mar. 2014. http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/simpson/fuhrman.htm.

National Public Radio. “A Mom’s Advice To Her Young, Black Sons.” NPR. NPR, 22 Mar. 2012. Web. 3 Mar. 2014. http://www.npr.org/2012/03/22/149126015/a-moms-advice-to-her-young-black-sons.

“The Trial of O. J. Simpson.” Famous American Trials. Web. 3 Mar. 2014. <http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/simpson/simpson.htm>.

Time Magazine. “TIME Magazine Cover: O.J. Simpson – June 27, 1994.” Time. Time Inc., 27 June 1994. Web. 3 Mar. 2014. http://content.time.com/time/covers/0,16641,19940627,00.html.