To find one’s place is arguably one of life’s most challenging missions, present in most political, social, and occupational atmospheres; the consequences of failing to do this can be detrimental to his or her health and function in a society, as it provides the motivation and validation needed to succeed at most any goal. This is where acclaimed experts in the field of literature have identified the existence of groups of people that interact with each other for a united purpose or interest, regardless of the reason for their creation—these are known as discourse communities, or DCs for short (Swales 1990). Discourse communities provide the sense of belonging that all aspire to have and can take many different forms; these encompass all interests, workplaces, and activities. In order to qualify as a discourse community, associations must meet certain criteria set by language professor John Swales; in sum, DCs must hold interpersonal communications, use a unique lexis, and have a common goal, or goals, met through their own methods and expectations. This holds the term to cover only those groups which have active engagement between members, rather than speech communities, really only characterized by language use. Two that differ entirely, but still share identities as discourse communities are the “running community,” consisting of sports track and cross country, and the members of the Corps of Cadets at VMI.
Running is used as a metaphor for many things, and with valid reason; with running, both distance and sprinting, one faces total body engagement and overwhelming muscle burn, and, if performing at maximum effort, total body failure. This struggle is shared by all who run competitively, and to borrow from a common saying, common hardship is the key to strong brotherhood. This is apparent through how easily social connections at races can be made; if one is waiting for an event to start, it is almost an expectation to have small talk with his or her competitors. This is typically comparing how unprepared they are for the event, or just about how awful running is in general, but it initiates a fraternization that comforts both parties. According to Chris Ware, an avid runner in both sports, “[runners] are always communicating over the course of a race to make moves to pass people.” It is evident that not only is verbal communication necessary for the social part of running, but for the competitive side, too. Like any DC, the running community has a process (practice) and end goals (becoming faster); however, contrasting with other groups, this one is fragmented in order to be conducive to these goals. Depending on area, race times and physical conditioning fluctuate as a result of terrain and culture differences. Despite being so geographically and physically different, teams will most always embrace one another as pieces to a bigger whole and extend communications across the board primarily with social media. Arguably one of the running community’s most pleasant qualities is the care and comprehension that goes into coaching; obviously the treatment of runners is based on who is coaching, but the community generally welcomes inexperienced or struggling members and treats them with the patience and support needed to improve. Runners are united not only by what they do, but also by what they say. It is apparent how long someone has been running by their use of certain words, or lack thereof; these include, but are certainly not limited to: “heat,” “waterfall,” “PR,” “fast course,” and “fartlek.” This also applies to the equipment used in the sport, according to Mr. Ware. Many runners compare shoe brands and running short styles, and to non-runners, these brands ring a bell as much as the Walmart generic brand— like other lexis within, the brand names are common to the running community, but very specialized for the sport.
While many discourse communities are similar in how they communicate, their organizational structures, or the lexis they share, the Corps of Cadets at VMI is unlike any other. It is a pyramidic hierarchy, with a high number of freshmen at the lowest level and few seniors at the top; the order is inverted for power, as first year students are treated as subhuman—otherwise known as “rats”—while fourth years are seemingly immune to the Institute’s complex system of regulations. The term “rat” is a prime example of VMI’s original lexis, as even though other military schools have terms for basic cadet, this is arguably the most demeaning one, reinforcing this hierarchy. An aspect of the lexis within VMI is its highly contagious nature; new cadets, or rats, are susceptible to terms such as “sick,” “gym dyke” (though it could be class, parade, or guard dyke depending on the occasion), or “strain” within a week of induction. This is a double-edged sword, as it in allows simple, familial communication between cadets, but can strike an outside listener as strange and cultish. While other DC’s, such as the running community, typically communicate conversationally in-person or on social media, information is distributed at the Institute over a turnout speaker or through email. Additionally, it is the expectation to refer to upperclassmen by rank and/or last name, maintaining a strictly formal environment. This removes much personality from communication and ensures the integrity of the anti-fraternization rules at VMI. The choice to spend one’s college years at VMI is the choice to face unparalleled difficulty for the sake of character and leadership building; to do so requires one’s full-fledged physical and mental perseverance, as the tasks are challenging, and emotional support is limited to others in the same position. Unlike being a member of a cross country team, cadetship at VMI means facing harsh criticisms and negative reinforcement on a day-to-day basis. In Ware’s words, “VMI enforces a lot of rules, whereas the team is more laid back.” Ware speaks on this as a runner, but also a cadet; though simply put, his view on the atmospheres of the two communities suggests that they both serve to develop the individual through interaction and teamwork, but the basis upon which they operate differ greatly. It is a popular saying at the Institute that everything has a purpose, for which one might not yet know; with this phrase those above oneself, staff or student, work to make life as difficult as possible so that a rat can develop into a proper cadet through problem-solving and discipline.
To label a population as a discourse community, like much else in the literary world, is subjective to how one defines it. If one is to base the definition on the common criteria laid out by John Swales (Swales pp. 553-555), both groups explored above are exemplary. It is remarkable how the VMI and running communities be two sides of the same coin, both falling under discourse communities, yet sharing few defining qualities. To reiterate the differences previously mentioned: runners work for quantitative accomplishments (i.e., race times), have a base of friendly competition, and communicate directly and personally; members (especially new ones) of the Corps at the Institute face constant scrutinization from the community, focus on developing more intangible skills and qualities, and have less personal communication between members. A difference removed from Swales’ criteria is that runners perform and interact differently depending on who they train under, creating a less fixed identity within the community; this is negated in some ways, though, when cadets enter VMI via the track or cross country teams, forming them under one unit, and therefore with less thought diversity. Perhaps this is why, despite being polar opposites, the communities can mesh well; with members of both, such as Ware, focused on individual and team success, there is a common grit and spirit required to fulfill the communities’ expectations.
In a sense, running and the VMI experience are one in the same: both are long-winded struggles for the purpose of personal improvement. The discrepancies between the two have been discussed thoroughly above; their respective communities fall under an accepted definition of discourse community, but the ways in which they meet the criteria designed by Swales differ. The presented analysis of VMI and the running community is indicative of how, regardless of their individual qualities, all DCs share a sort of compatibility because of how malleable peoples’ personalities and interests are, and the lines between them are often blurred. Every discourse community serves as a home for unique features and interests, and every unique feature and interest has a home in a discourse community—therein is the answer to one’s question of belonging.
Works Cited
Swales, John M. “Reflections on the Concept of Discourse Community.” Writing about Writing,
edited by Elizabeth Wardle and Doug Downs. Bedford/st.martin’s, 2011, pp. 544-557.
Originally published in Composition Forum, vol. 37, Fall 2017.