Longinus and David, Compliments of Bernini

Bernini, Longinus

This counter reformative sculpture by Bernini depicts a Roman Centurion who had just completed the task of stabbing Christ. He literally just killed God. So the guy is most definitely cocky at this point, even as he is meant to be saying, “Truly, He was the son of God.” The idea was to represent the magnificent power of the church. Notice the figures extremely confident stance. The outstretched arms intensely represent his pride because opening up in this way can make him extremely vulnerable, given that a lot of people at the time were pretty unhappy with him. His exposed chest also presents a potential vulnerability, but again his confidence overshadows that.

Bernini, David, before the battle with Goliath

 

Bernini’s other sculpture of David depicts him preparing for battle against the giant Goliath. He reaches behind him and appears to be about to swing or draw his saber, with a fierce look on his face. He lacks any kind of armor protection and his body is a great exampled of realism.

The difference between the two pieces and a before and after victory scene. While David is preparing for battle, the centurion is boasting once his battle is finished, and is also in a much more stoic position. David is in full motion. The confidence in David is overshadowed more by determination, while the centurion’s task is completed. The differences between the two figures are found in the general mood of the sculptures, but the strong, victorious, lifelike portrayals are quite similar.

Adam, Eve, Knight, Death, devil, the list goes on and on…

Durer, Adam and Eve

Durer’s image of Adam and Even is extremely detailed, specific, and a little bit haunting. The engraved work employs countless symbols and a new perspective on the human body. The elk, hare, cat, and ox all represent the four humors of mankind, and cat and mouse represent tension between men and women, and the goat in the background symbolizes the sinners and non-believers. Notice the departure from gothic styles, with depth depicted in the trees behind them and a sense of what is beyond with the cliff. Detail is very emphasized here. Adam and Eve’s sexuality is covered up, emphasizing their newfound sense of shame resulting from eating the forbidden fruit, and the serpent is reaching towards Eve’s hand, continuing the symbolization. The figures in the image are meant to be the ideal human forms.

Durer, The Knight, Death, and The Devil

 

Durer’s piece The Knight, Death, and the Devil is basically just one giant symbol. The skull representing death, the dog representing fidelity, the castle in the background representing the distance from heaven, the lizard representing sin, and the hourglass representing a lack of time until judgement. Everything in the print is very close together, returning back to the fear of open spaces found in earlier art, the image is entirely taken over. There is a solemn, terrifying, and almost sublime tone to the image, seeing how some of the figures are very dominating and powerful, such as the horse.

Both engravings are meant to symbolize biblical events, or biblical references. Durer seems to have an fixation on the symbolism of sin, seeing as it is the subject of both pieces.

Wait, there were two last suppers?

 

Da Vinci, The Last Supper

Leonardo da Vinci’s depiction of the last supper is a tragedy, only due to the fact that it’s original splendor is lost. Because da Vinci just had to experiment with his material, a layer of the paint wore away and chipped off within a few decades, so we cannot view the piece of artwork the way it was truly meant to be seen. There is a lot of movement in the image, so there is a real sense of life to it. Mouths are open so people are talking. There’s also a sense of depth, it is very three dimensional; you can even see a mountainscape through the windows in the background.

Duccio, Last Supper

Unlike da Vinci’s depiction of the last summer, Duccio’s has a very limited sense of depth, so it is much more two dimensional. Christ is still the center and focus of the image and all other figures are focused on him, unlike da Vinci’s painting. The colors are also much brighter, so there is a less solemn tone to the piece. The revert back to the earlier halo theme is also seen in this piece, so the influence goes further back than the renaissance, again, unlike da Vinci’s depiction.

Cultural Rhetorics of Appalachia Reflective Essay

At the start of the semester I was asked to respond to the term Appalachia, and bring some of my initial thoughts to the table. I quickly realized that I didn’t have much to go off of. The hillbilly, mountain dweller, moonshine drinker identity didn’t go hand in hand with the term Appalachian in my mind; maybe they were in the same general area, but it wasn’t what first came to mind. However this lack of perspective led to a fresh, unbiased approach to the subject. Learning about the stereotypes through the class readings and responding to the subject material in a few of my responsive artifacts, Preconceived Notions, or Lack Thereof; Hoedown Throwdown, Hillbillies vs. Rednecks; and Go Make Me a Sandwich, I developed a general understanding of the stereotypes without having been brainwashed into believing their accuracy. This allowed me to spot the errors in the stereotypes without a little voice in my head yelling about the backwards ways of Appalachia.

            My first artifact, Preconceived Notions, or Lack Thereof, addresses my initial unawareness of attitude on the subject that I seemed to lack. “I’m a white, cisgender female, raised in an upper-middle class home in the Suburbs of Richmond area, Virginia.” Living on the very borders of the Appalachian Region, I never considered the area to be of any significance to me whatsoever. Other than Hollywood produced entertainment and some “bad” music that my father occasionally listened to, I had no reason to care about Appalachia, what it stood for, of even what people thought it was. I was never a fan of those kinds of movies or television shows; I usually preferred a cheesy romantic comedy. As I began reading the individual, assigned articles and participated in class discussions, I grew to understand what the general consensus on Appalachia was and watch it quickly transform as many of these myths incited a defense mechanism in the authors we read as a class; in turn these myths and stereotypes were slowly debunked, for the most part.

There will always be, however, a seed of truth to the vast majority of stereotyping in any given situation. Perhaps it has evolved, but these beliefs had to start somewhere. And along with these roots comes a certain level of pride, and almost division between different groups. In my second artifact, Hoedown Throwdown, Hillbillies vs. Rednecks, I define the difference between hillbillies and rednecks and acknowledge the pride members of each group, despite logical reasoning for it. “Some members of each group take pride in the names, but I haven’t found much of a stereotypical argument as to why. Both terms are used to often indicate a person without an education who lives in a rural area, but other than that, can be very different.” Luckily, my lack of understanding on Appalachian stereotypes left room for a separate judgement of “rednecks.” Hillbillies don’t want to be mistaken for rednecks and vice versa. My preconceived notions of rednecks and the confederate-flag-flyin’ pride that comes with the territory gave me some perspective as I read and responded to different defenses of the Appalachian region and responses to the negative stereotypes.

Ultimately, with an unbiased approach to the subject material, I slowly understood the pride of one’s background as well as the rejection of an outsider’s perspective. In my third artifact I related Appalachian stereotypes to female stereotypes and how derogatory messages to women negatively affect me. To a certain extent, I understand the struggle, being a female at a male dominant Institute. The only reason there is any sense to finding humor in female stereotypes is because I’ve lived my life at the butt of these “jokes,” therefore I know what it takes to overcome them. It’s almost as if I have earned the right to them because I understand how inaccurate and moronic they are. However, at the end of the day, I take pride in being a female, but not being called a “bitch,” or told to go make a sandwich. “This example is obviously more general than a “hillbilly” stereotype, but if a phrase offends me from one angle, it offends me from all angles, with maybe the seldom, situational exception.” (Artifact 3) Nine times out of ten, I don’t find stereotypical jokes about my identity to be funny. Luckily enough, I had no background of finding Appalachian stereotypes funny either, so I was able to learn about the region, the stereotypes, and the pride without having to overcome ignorance that too many people are unfortunately brainwashed into.

I started from scratch in discovering Appalachia, all that means, and all it does not mean. Because of the immediate, defensive approach to the Appalachian misconceptions and myths, I had no choice but to see the truth without any time at all to develop a bias on the matter. And it was all specifically due to the native authors and their either learned or inherent pride of Appalachia.

 

 

 

Help Received: none

Sarah Elizabeth Lemon

 

 

Appalachian Pride and Where It’s Born

In the following research essay I take a stance of Appalachian Pride, initial negative stereotyping of the Appalachian culture, and the origins of both, historically and psychologically. By reflecting both on the history of the Appalachian region as well as the personal response by both Appalachian individuals and observers, I analyze the cultural influence of the region on its inhabitants versus the onlookers who make any judgments about its citizens. 

 

It is safe to assume most people would immediately shy away from the initial negative stereotypes that accompany Appalachian Identity. Most reactions to these stereotypes or, moreover, misconceptions are one of three: humor, defense, and pride. The psychology behind the humor and the defense are both easily understood. Mainly due to the American entertainment industry, the stereotypes accompany a funny television show or a common thread of jokes. It follows the insulting theme of most myths that a local would promptly respond in defense, even a raised fist. But pride is a different breed of psychology, especially pride with a calm demeanor, and without immediate action to defend one’s honor. An attack, whether it is blatant, or subtle with a simple joke, warrants a response; as human beings our natural reaction would be fight or flight. Psychologically, it’s only natural for people to choose one or the other; a calm, prideful approach to the situation does not exactly fall under these categories. So where does it come from? What happens in the human mind that leads so many Appalachians to deny their basic instincts? As elementary as it may seem, they simply know better. Appalachian pride begins at an adolescent level due to an appreciation for education, passed down with increasing importance that you just don’t find in most other places, specifically in America. The education at hand is not only general either, but a distinct knowledge of one’s personal history. One of the most common—and most offensive—myths of the region is a vast lack of education. In order to understand where the pride comes from, locals and foreigners alike need to get a handle on why with no hope for a future.

The more popular association with language is developed and accepted by a white, upper-middle class majority. It is programmed into the members that make up that majority to hear a poorly constructed sentence with a nearly incomprehensible accent and assume the speaker lacks the intelligence to fix their vernacular, and therefore lacks the intelligence to do anything else for that matter. This immediate judgement of character comes from a misunderstanding between dialects, and while the slang may be wildly incorrect, it’s perfectly normal to the area. It is much easier to construct a proper sentence with proper spelling on paper than to throw out the native style of communication that many Appalachians grow up with. Despite common belief, this inability to converse with perfect grammar and pronunciation does not indicate a lack of education. In his reflection of Dialect and Education in Appalachia, found in the collection Talking Appalachian edited by Amy Clark and Nancy Hayward, Jeffery Reaser comments on this initial judgement. “Because language is assumed to be a part of a person’s overall ability, it is typically acceptable to admit deficiencies in a subject like math (“I can’t balance my checking account”) but not about language (“I can’t conjugate my verbs”.)” (Reaser, pg. 94)A person most often does introduce themselves and throw in an immediate tidbit of their intellectual deficiencies. “Nice to meet you, I’m Tom. I had to take Biology 101 four times before I passed it.” First impressions can dictate whether or not someone will be willing to take the time to cultivate an acquaintanceship, and if the first thing someone notices about someone else is a disability, chances are the interest stops there. The attempt to educate poor language out of someone can only come with correction, which can dangerously lead to a disillusionment of one’s home life or even background. This “correction methodology” can even brainwash educators themselves into believing students with poor language are unteachable. Reaser refers to this cycle as the “Rosenthal Effect.” (pg. 97)

Appalachian English is only the beginning of the stereotype. What’s really worth discovering is how Appalachians overcome the discouragement of being “unteachable.” What incites the pride behind an Appalachian identity, and why is it so dependent on education? Education is inherently powerful. Through education one develops not only the ability to seek out higher paying, important professions, but rhetorical abilities that allow him/her to communicate as broadly and as effectively as possible. In his novel The Thread That Runs So True, Jesse Stuart reflects on his experiences teaching in Kentucky for several years. He firmly believes in the power of education. Even in the Preface Stuart firmly declares, “No one can ever tell me that education, rightly directed without propaganda, cannot change the individual, community, county, state, and the world for the better. It can.” (Stuart, pg. 5) Stuart recounts later in the book that attendance grew promptly after encouraging his students to write about what they knew, their background, their family, their homes, etc. (pg. 72) In his other novel, To Teach, To Love, Stuart digs deeper into his past and reveals where some of his teaching methods originated, with an elementary teacher who personally cared for his students. Even further back, Stuart’s father always made it clear to him that Stuart would get an education, because he himself never had the opportunity. And Stuart did. He learned to revere education through his parent’s encouragement. The parental motivation here seems almost envious, as if they lived vicariously through their children’s opportunities. Stuart recalls his mother saying, “Son, even if your clothes are a little bad, I’ll keep them clean for you,” in reference to his attendance at school. (pg. 25) Because the previous generations never experienced such a luxury, education in Appalachia was an honor. If you’re proud of your education, you’re proud of what you know; and more often than not, what we know defines our character, or who we are.

Stuart isn’t the only one with a history of parental encouragement in this area of education. Sometimes, however, the encouragement has less to do with future prospects and more to do with the fear of getting stuck. In his book The Rhetoric of Appalachian Identity, Professor Todd Snyder recalls his own personal experience with his parents and his education. “Because my parents feared that this daunting future awaited my arrival to manhood, they began implanting the importance of education into my mind at a young age.” (Snyder, pg. 82) Again we run into the significance of escaping the lifestyle of the previous generations. Education indicates what you know, what you know defines your character, and your character opens as many doors as you set yourself up to walk through. Previous generations feel that sense of shame that sometimes accompanies the regional stereotypes; but as for the younger generations, their education counterbalances any of this embarrassment. It seems that there is a lot more contentment with who you are when you understand where you come from, and where you’re going.

General education is the main goal, but there is also a strong desire to know your history upon confronting these negative stereotypes. Referring back to a sense of human nature, if someone looks you in the eyes and tells you you’re ugly, chances are the wheels in your head start turning, and you begin to wonder why this person believes you are, in fact, ugly. “Is it my smile? Are my eyes too close together? Is my skin not clear? It must be my weight.” Unless we are totally and completely secure in our identity, we wonder why people think what they do about us. It is, again, human nature. It is also our nature to attempt to fix the issue at hand. However we cannot fix ourselves if we don’t know why there is a problem. So whether the effort begins with a genuine pride of the Appalachian culture or, seemingly more likely, a desire to understand these negative opinions, Appalachians aim to understand who they are and where they come from. In his article “We’re All Appalachian,” Mark Banker refers to his experiences as a professor at the Webb School of Knoxville in his Appalachian History course. He initially asks his students to write down a few adjectives that describe Appalachia and East Tennessee, finding several contrasts. The descriptors range from “poor, backward, and ignorant,” to “rugged, independent, hardworking, and quaint.” This little experiment begs the question, where is the disconnect? Banker goes on to tell his students to explore their backgrounds; ask their parents, grandparents, whoever about their history. Most of them returned with “richer and more detailed” descriptions than before. He reinforces, “They often express surprise at how little they actually know about their families and our region, and they have a sincere desire to learn more.”

Relative to the United States as a whole, Appalachians are a minority. With every minority comes a unique set of stereotypes and a discord between them and the majority. Because development begins at such a beginner level, educators have to understand who they are teaching, what perspective they are teaching from, and what perspective they need to adapt in order to get the lesson across successfully. In her memoir White Teacher, Vivian Paley speaks on her own experience teaching a class consisting of an African American majority of students. In the preface to the original edition, Paley writes, “anything a child feels is different about himself which cannot be referred to spontaneously, casually, naturally, and uncritically by the teacher can become a cause for anxiety and an obstacle to learning.” It’s a simple idea, but important nonetheless. It is easy enough to recognize if you are different from the masses, but if you cannot identify why immediately and “casually,” something is clearly wrong. Say you ask a non-Appalachian to describe an Appalachian in a negative, stereotypical context. A common response would be hick, hillbilly, etc. But go on to ask what that means, the person answering has to think about it, drum up some examples. It is important to recognize that there are no definite, universal definitions to these stereotypes, and they can generally shift depending on the individual perspective. Similar to Paley’s experiences with a black-majority classroom, a teacher in Appalachia cannot effectively teach them, let alone connect with them, as most efficient teachers often do.

Drawing on another minority, and stemming from the population of adolescence, southern women experienced a very similar desire to learn, even further back in the historical timeline. Not only did women in the old-south area suffer from the cultural male versus female roles, they had to overcome limitations that were basically written in their DNA. Because men are biologically stronger and more apt to physical dominance, women are historically expected to assume what are considered to be feminine roles. The Natural Complement Theory explains these differences and attributes them to our genetic makeup, and even defines spiritual, moral, and emotional duties. If the “stronger” sex is expected to provide, the “weaker” is expected to simply “administer to the emotional needs of their men and children.” (Ferguson, pg. 48) Susanna Delfino and Michele Gillespie remark on this feminine struggle that women underwent in the “old south.” Moreover, they comment on the role of education and how it affected not only the women, but society as a whole. “Southern education history had less to say about teachers than about schools and their role in knitting together communities and elite female identities.” (pg. 174) This circles back to Stuart’s ideas of changing the world with education, one step at a time. These women had to overcome their biological expectations; these Appalachians had to overcome their historical track record and expectations in general, or lack thereof.

A grown man or woman from Appalachia will never receive as much sympathy and understanding as an “uneducated” child from the region. It’s too late for the grown-ups, but the children “still have time.” Being influenced from every angle, by their parents, their predecessors, their local teachers, and the unavoidable stereotypes, Appalachian children have an almost innate desire to learn, to understand, to just know as much as they possibly can. It is an admirable trait, but one that they almost didn’t have a choice but to accept and adapt to. Bring up a negative Appalachian stereotype to a local from the region; human psychology tells us that you’ll either be met with a flight reaction, or a fight reaction. It’s instinct. But an appreciation for education and knowledge is born with exponentially more fervor in every Appalachian child that grows into an Appalachian adult, confronting the stereotypes with a learned, educated pride, even if it is masked by a funny accent.

 

Works Cited

Banker, Mark. “We’re All Appalachian.” Appalachian Journal (2002): n. pag. JSTOR [JSTOR]. Web. 09 June 2015.

Bingham, Emily. “The Female Academy and Beyond: Three Mordecai Sisters at Work in the Old South.” Neither Lady Nor Slave: Working Women of the Old South. By Penny Richards. Ed. Susanna Delfino and Michele Gillespie. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina, 2002. 176. Print.

Paley, Vivian Gussin. “Preface to the Original Edition.” Preface. White Teacher. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1979. XIX. Print.

Reaser, Jeffery. “Dialect and Education in Appalachia.” Talking Appalachian: Voice, Identity, and Community. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, 2013. 94-97. Print.

Snyder, Todd. Part II: Material Reality and Appalachian Identity. The Rhetoric of Appalachian Identity. Jefferosn: McFarland &, 1981. 82. Print.

Stuart, Jesse. The Thread That Runs So True. New York: Touchstone, 1998. Print.

Stuart, Jesse. To Teach, To Love. Ashland: Jesse Stuart Foundation, 1999. Print.

Vetterling-Braggin, Mary. II. Limits to Human Development: The Natural Complement Theory. Feminism and Philosophy. Comp. Frederick Elliston and Jane English. Totowa, NJ: Littlefield, Adams, 1977. 47-48. Print.

 

 

Help Received: works cite/peer review

Sarah Elizabeth Lemon

 

Music In The Park

Music in the Park, Friday Night Review

June 15, 2015|Sarah Lemon | Music critic

 

Friday night at Music in the Parks is an interesting spectacle, to say the least. It beg with a perspective shift in the scenery, a small, outdoor venue with a family based audience, the show provided a welcoming atmosphere. With only a few benches and picnic tables, most listeners “set up camp” on blankets and towels, watching their children run around the field, probably oblivious to some of the heavier lyrics disguised by an upbeat tempo and major melodies.

The first song turned out to be a sound-check, which got the audience interested without even realizing the show had not technically started, so the show was loosely organized and “easy going.” It took just a few verses for heads to start bobbing and toes to start tapping along with the beat. The musician worked well with each other and their interpersonal rhythm was reflected in their performance. Whether it was a well-rehearsed, dedicated group or three friends who simply understood the balance between one another, the banjo, bass, and guitar sounded in harmony. All three of the men contributed to the vocals and the few harmonies thrown in added to the cohesiveness of the show.  The toes, the heads, the happy ears, and the mile-high mood however, seemed to be a bit out of place in context with the content of the songs themselves. Most of the story-telling style lyrics fell along the lines of a broken heart, a loss of some sort, even death. One line seemed to stick out a bit more than the rest, although went unnoticed by the majority of the audience. “I killed the only one I loved because she wouldn’t marry me,” isn’t a line that would usually go along with that particular sound, or go over well with most audiences. This, of course, excludes the occasional, delusional Slipknot fanatic.

The violent, over reactive Appalachian stereotype seemed to be in full swing in that particular piece, but most others simply dwelled on heartbreak and disillusionment. A lost love, a cheating spouse, unemployment were all somewhat common threads between the “moral of the story.”  Again, this did not disinterest the audience, nor affect the musicians in any negative way. Almost masochistic, the performers seemed increasingly more passionate with each song. It reflected the emphasis on the music itself; the show was definitely not meant to be seen, with a wooden stage, limited movements, and no special decoration adorning the set. It followed the “music is for the ears, not the eyes,” theme that real music fans fervently advocate.

The show came together nicely, and it was easy to overlook the few pitfalls, or awkward older mountain songs that a younger crowd might not enjoy. Perhaps it was a hipster type of enjoyment, but several young adults as well as families kept their support up until the kids got tired, or iPhones died. The older crowd that seemed just a little more interested sat back, but relished the evening just as happily as anyone else. It was an entertaining evening, although a few new amplifiers would not be unappreciated.

 

 

Help Received: none

Sarah Elizabeth Lemon

I’ve Already Made It, and I Didn’t Even Have To Try

The most common thread I’ve found in our class readings was the repeated theme of “making something of myself.” Almost all of the writers who personally experienced life in Appalachia did so under an influence of their parents urging them to get an education, to have experiences and opportunities that they did not have themselves. Most of the writers seem to have a common goal of breaking free of the mold despite whatever stereotypes or negativity they encounter. It follows that those who did make, and even those who are just content with who and where they are, developed a deep sense of pride through their knowledge of either “what else is out there” or what makes up their history. The authors became acutely aware of the stereotypes and minorities around them, as well as developing an appreciation for every opportunity that involves and promising, high-income future that many people in the United States, and all over the world, take for granted. The authors we discussed all had to confront the stereotypes and “ridicule” in their own way; almost every single time it was a timeline of not knowing the difference, being ostracized because of their background, learning more about their history, and finally learning to be content and even proud of where they come from. Ultimately, they each reach an acceptance of their Appalachian Identity.

 

I, personally, am fortunate in the sense that I’ve never wanted for just about anything. Growing up in an upper-middle class home with two happily married parents, as an only child, I was… well… spoiled. My mother worked her butt off to get where she is now in her career, making enough money to put me through college, while my father was always around and never failed to keep me grounded; no matter how many times I may have tried to fly away. I’ve never had to respond to stereotypes the way other minorities such as Appalachians have, and from reading the works of these different authors, I’ve developed a new appreciation for that.

The Virgin and Child, and the Renier

1The pose of the Virgin and Child from the Auvergne Region in France is known as the Throne of Wisdom and depicts Christ as the incarnation of wisdom itself. As in many other pieces of artwork depicting the two features, Mary is holding Christ in her laugh, once again playing the part of his imperial throne. Statues like this were devotional objects and were used for ceremonial events or processions, carried above a crowd signifying importances.

2Influenced by early medieval art and humanistic style. the Renier of Huy was commissioned by Hellenius of Notre Dame, considered an abbot, or a head of abbey monks.The twelve oxen represent the twelve apostles and the basin was used as the baptismal area. The Koran Paradise theme is depicted by the trees and the ripples indicating a river.

Both pieces almost represent two steps of a process, in a way. The first uses people to represent a spiritual literality, while the second uses animals to represent a spiritual, human literality.

The High Cross of Gummersmark… no that’s not right…

closeup broochFrom 6th century Denmark, the Gummersmark Brooch is made of silver gilt and is a little less that six inches tall. It employs the animal style that was prevalent in the tie period and each section of the piece is very precisely and intricately made. Notice the large, rectangular, medallion-like plates for posting, the arches bow, and the repeated animal theme decorations. You can see a man compressed between two dragons, recurring beaks and eyes, monster heads, and crouching dogs, as well as the recurring geometric motif emphasized by the symmetry of the piece. These images depict the spiritual process of turning from human into animal, also called anthropomorphism. The surface was polished with a glittering material to emphasize the value and worth.

whole thing_sectionsThe High Cross of Muiredach found in Ireland was modeled after the metal crosses made during the time period out of sandstone and was used as container for holy relics. The designs on the cross are very details and tell countless stories from the bible. The panels show images like Moses striking the rock for water, David and Goliath, Cain and Abel, and Adam and Eve. There are figures around Christ who sits in his majesty at the intersection of the cross such as David, the devil, and a recurring dove that represents the Holy Spirit. The symbolism and imagery of the cross is very intense, seeing as it depicts the devil attempting to tear souls away from Christ while good souls are looking toward the Magi with adulation.

Both pieces here represent a spiritual journey, however to very different paths. The Brooch could almost be used for some kind of pagan explanation, while the cross is a very orthodox, Christian piece of artwork.

The Ruins

pueblo-bonito-ruins-500The Pueblo Bonito remnants in New Mexico tells a beautiful story of a thriving community and it’s effect on countless other areas. Dating from 830 to 1250 CE, Pueblo Bonito was the largest “great house,” so large that it had to be built in stages between the tenth and mid-thirteenth centuries, with 800 rooms and about four stories. It was built in a “D” shape and there were thirty-two kivas, or partially submerged pit houses, along the crescent side of the structure. Inside, people performed religious ceremonies and youth were instructed on their social and labor responsibilities. The roof was formed out of interlocking pine logs in a dome shaped with a hole at the pinnacle for men to climb down through on an extended ladder. Directly under the hole was what was called the “navel of the earth” where the early Pueblo anthology claimed was the entrance from which the original, “first time” Pueblo ancestors entered. The structure had roadways that stemmed off to 70 other communities and served as a “home base.” The pathways never strayed from a direct path despite obstacles such as hills that could be avoided or gone around. This indicates that they served more of a purpose than just travel functionality, such as ritualistic processions.

timThis photo of the Ancient Ruins in the Canon De Chelley arizona, taken in 1873 by Timothy O’Sullivan, shows the area in an exaggerated but beautiful. Above the gaping, dark hole at the mid-left side of the image are the sedimentary lines shown in an exaggerated way that would not be as obvious from a different angle or lense. The emphasis on the lines also distracts from the ruins that the eye is less likely to wander to. In most landscape images there is a specific light source shown, however there is not in this image. The light vs. dark motif is still used in other ways though.

The first image depicts the ruins–or the leftovers–of the structure as the subject of the picture, while the second image distracts from it. This is most likely due to the fact that the purpose of the focus of the former image was solely to document the artistry, while the latter image was used as an exploration to find war-campout sites.